'Bahujan'is a Pali term frequently found in Buddhist texts, and literally refers to "the
many", or "the majority”. It appears in the dictum "BahujanaHitayaBahujanaSukhaya", or "The benefit and prosperity of the many", articulated by Gautama Buddha. It is difficult to define 'backward castes'. Most of the scholars consider all the castes other than the dwija (the twice-born who have the right to wear the sacred thread) as backward castes. But there are several castes in different parts of the country which are not dwija, and yet do not consider themselves as backward castes. They enjoy control over economic resources and political power. The Brahmins and the Kayasthas of Bihar, the Jats of Rajasthan, and the Patidars of Gujarat, organised and mobilised themselves for political power. Their mobilisation was aimed at consolidating their social status. They can also be considered as upper castes. The rest of the castes are considered 'backward castes'. The term 'Bahujan' was gaining wider acceptance among social activists and scholars in the context of social and citizens movements. This term not only implies shared suffering and shared exploitation but also calls for a joint battle to achieve self-reliance, dignity and equality. Needless to say, it is the lower and backward castes that constitute the vast Bahujan society.

BAHUJAN MEANING AND EVALUATION:

The literal meaning of Bahujan is "the majority of people" or a "large population". Hindu society is the con-aggregation of castes, in which all castes do not enjoy equal social and economic status. The Hindu religious system has deprived a huge population of independence and
opportunities for progress. These include the ‘Shudras’, who are at the bottom of the ladder, and who outside the caste system are called the ‘Untouchables’. It is the Shudras and the Untouchables who comprise Bahujan society. Bahujan society even to this day, depends on the upper castes for its socio-economic redemption. But all the backward castes do not enjoy a uniform socio economic status. In his study on the backward caste movements, M.S.A.Rao divides non-upper castes/classes into three
categories. The uppermost category of the backward castes consists mostly of landowners. There are several such castes in different parts of the country, such as Jats in Harayana, Ahirs and Gujjars in Punjab, Marathas in Maharashtra, Vellalas in Tamil Nadu, Kammas, Kapus and Reddis in Andhra Pradesh, Vokkalingas and Bants in Karnataka. Ranking below them are tenant
cultivators, artisans and other service castes. Most of them are small or marginal farmers,
tenants, or agricultural labourers. 'They were under the economic and political control of the landowning castes. The Kaka Kalelkar Commission, appointed by the Government of India, identified more than 3,000 castes or communities as 'other backward castes' in 1956. The Mandal Commission in 1980 calculated that 52 per cent of the population-including non-Hindus-constitute 'Other Backward Castes'. Besides, a number of state Governments appointed commissions for identifying those castes which can be called socially and educationally backward castes/classes. Almost all the commissions except the Rane Commission in Gujarat used social, educational and economic criteria for identifying 'backwardness'.

CAUSES FOR THE EMERGENCE OF THE BAHUJAN MOVEMENTS: 

As mentioned earlier, the number of backward castes is very large, but only a few of them have launched movements for political power. Numerical strength is an important factor for a caste which attempts to organise itself politically. Backward castes which are relatively small and scattered in different parts of the country have less potential for launching political struggles. Those who organised movements secured the support of various sub-castes. The
Yadavas and Kurmis of Bihar are two examples. The non-Brahmin Movement in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu initially encompassed various castes including the Dalits, but in the course of time, the Dalits were excluded from the Movement. The leadership for the Yadava movement in
Bihar and the non-Brahmin movements in Maharashtra came from the well-off stratum of the castes concerned. Businessmen and large farmers supported the Yadava movement. Gail Omvedt, in her study on the non-Brahmin Movement in Maharashtra, observed that "initially the movement
received the backing of well-to-do non-Brahmins, primarily contractors and a few professionals, and moved fairly quickly to establish a peasant base".

Social Causes:

With the change in the agrarian structure, the advent of the market economy, the growth of urban centres and the spread of liberal education under the British rule, a few of the Backward castes improved their economic condition. By the end of the nineteenth century and at the beginning of 20th century, they aspired to rise in the caste hierarchy. As a first step they followed the path of Sanskritisation, adopting the rituals and the life style of the upper castes. They discovered legends among their ancestors and demanded higher social status. The Marathas, the Malis, the Sagar Dhangars of Maharashtra, the Kurmis and the Yadavas of Bihar, the Kolis of Gujarat, the Kaibarttas of West Bengal, the Lingayats of Karnataka, and the Telis of Orissa followed the path of Sanskritisation in the first quarter of the twentieth century. However, the upper-caste non-Brahmins of Tamil Nadu did not follow this path for attaining higher status in the caste structure. They challenged the higher status of the Brahmins. In the case of the former, the upper castes were the reference group for the backward castes, whereas in the latter case, the non-Brahmins preferred to consider themselves as Dravidians, i.e., natives of the area, and considered Brahmins as alien and intruders. There was a widespread belief at the turn of the century that the Brahmins were racially different from the non-Brahmins. The non-
Brahmins believed that they were the creators of 'Southern Tamil' culture, whereas the Brahmins were the guardians of the northern Sanskrit culture.

Economic Causes:

The Ahirs (Yadavas) and the Kurmis of Bihar opposed the ‘Begar’ (forced labour) system
in the 1910s. They collectively refused to perform ‘Begar’ for landlords and also opposed taxes imposed by the landlords. The Ahirs refused to sell cow-dung cakes, curds and milk to landowning upper castes at concessional rates. This refusal to follow customary laws resulted in clashes between the upper and the backward castes. The upper 'backward' or non-Brahmin castes of
south India, particularly the Vellalas, the Reddis, the Kammas, the Lingayats, the Vokkaligas, the Marathas, resented the dominance of the Brahmins. They raised the issue of exploitation and oppression, both economic and cultural, by the Brahmins. The non-Brahmins of Tamil Nadu demanded a separate state for the Dravidians. They opposed the nationalist movement dominated by the Brahmins in 1920s and declared their allegiance to the British Government. They declared: 

'It is a misrepresentation to say that Brahmins belong to the same Indian nation as the non- Brahmins while the English are aliens .... Indian Brahmins are more alien to us than Englishmen'.

Education and Employment

One of the reasons for the non-Brahmin movements in South India was that the Brahmins took more advantage of modern educational and employment opportunities than the upper non-Brahmin castes, secured Government jobs, and thus tried to maintain Brahmin preponderance in Government service. The Yadavas of Bihar demanded reservations for themselves in the army
and other Government services. The demands for reservation in government jobs and educational institutions for the backward castes began to rise constantly during the post-independence period.

Political Suppression:

During the first quarter of this century, Backward Castes demanded political representation in the State Legislative Assembly. Some of the backward or non-Brahmin castes in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu demanded separate electorates. So that they could elect their own representatives. Demand for reservation in government jobs and educational institutions continued in the 1980s. The main form of political mobilisation is the electoral process. They have successfully increased their position in the state assembly because of their numerical strength. Christophe Jaffrelot calls their rise as 'India's silent revolution'. The backward castes rarely resorted to large-scale direct action for asserting their demands. They asserted their demands for higher social status by submitting memoranda and petitions to the census commissioners. The non-Brahmins of South India formed a political party to capture Justice Party power. Others took part in election campaigns on a massive scale in order to get candidates of their castes elected. In the sense, their mobilisation has rarely led to struggles.